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Australia’s housing crisis will not be solved by one grant, one planning amendment or one rent rule. Urban-planning scholar Dorina Pojani’s 2023 proposal combines five measures for renters with five aimed at housing supply and ownership: regulate rent increases and evictions, expand assistance and social housing, add student and crisis accommodation, build more homes at higher densities, legalise more auxiliary dwellings, require affordable units in large projects, and pair first-home-buyer help with tax reform. They remain recommendations from an opinion article, not a package proven to work or adopted in full.
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Federal policy has moved in several of the same directions since then, but implementation is divided among the Commonwealth, states, territories, councils, universities and private providers. The practical question is therefore not whether one measure is “the answer”, but how immediate protection, new construction and long-term ownership reform can be coordinated.
What the 10-policy package proposes
In her 9 May 2023 article for The Conversation, Dorina Pojani, Associate Professor in Urban Planning at The University of Queensland, separates the ideas into two groups. The first five address rental stress and housing insecurity. The second five address the supply of dwellings, access to ownership and support for people who cannot safely remain in ordinary housing.
| No. | Area | Pojani’s proposal |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | Renting | Cap annual rent increases, with permitted rises tied to inflation. |
| 2 | Renting | Control no-fault evictions, while allowing exceptions for some owner-occupier arrangements. |
| 3 | Renting | Increase rent assistance through tenant vouchers or landlord-linked support, with payments adjusted to rental-cost trends. |
| 4 | Renting | Expand social and public housing, mixing incomes and potentially including rent-to-own pathways. |
| 5 | Renting | Require affordable on-campus student accommodation for students enrolled by universities. |
| 6 | Supply | Increase market-rate housing and density, including apartments and townhouses, especially near public transport, using height bonuses or tax incentives. |
| 7 | Supply | Permit more auxiliary dwellings, commonly called granny flats, by relaxing selected lot-size and parking rules. |
| 8 | Supply and affordability | Require affordable, below-market units in large developments for qualifying lower-income households. |
| 9 | Crisis housing | Provide free transitional housing with support services for people in crisis, including people experiencing homelessness and domestic violence. |
| 10 | Ownership and tax | Combine first-home-buyer deposit and loan assistance with heavier taxation of certain investment or inherited properties and abolition of negative gearing. |
Pojani’s central argument is that isolated interventions cannot match a problem spanning rents, land use, construction, household income and homelessness. As she puts it: “What is needed instead is a comprehensive package of bold interventions, coordinated between all levels of government and the private sector.” That is an advocacy position, not an evaluation demonstrating that every measure would produce the same result in every market.
Five measures aimed at renters
1. Tie annual rent increases to inflation
An inflation-linked cap would limit the size of a rent increase during a tenancy or at a permitted review, depending on the law adopted. The attraction is predictability: a household could budget without facing a sudden increase unrelated to general prices. A cap also makes the rule visible and easier to enforce than a broad test of whether a particular increase is “reasonable”.
Design choices would determine its reach. Policymakers would need to specify which inflation measure is used, when the reference period is set, whether a landlord can carry forward an unused increase, and how new leases are treated. A rule that governs only existing tenancies may protect sitting tenants while leaving advertised rents unrestricted; a broader rule would have different effects on mobility and investment incentives. The proposal itself does not settle those legal or economic questions.
2. Restrict no-fault evictions
Under a no-fault or no-grounds eviction, a landlord can end a tenancy without alleging a breach by the renter. Pojani proposes controls, with exceptions for some situations in which an owner needs the dwelling as a residence. A carefully defined system could reduce the risk that a tenant is displaced after requesting repairs or asserting a legal right.
Any restriction needs a workable list of grounds, notice periods and evidence requirements. It also needs a process for genuine sale, major renovation or owner occupation, plus penalties for retaliation and a way to resolve disputes quickly. If those elements are unclear, tenants and owners face uncertainty even when the headline rule is simple.
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3. Increase and retarget rent assistance
Pojani suggests larger rent assistance delivered directly to tenants or linked to landlords, with support adjusted as rental costs change. Direct tenant payments preserve the renter’s choice of home; a landlord-linked arrangement could reduce arrears risk or help a household secure a lease. Either approach is a transfer to households whose income is not keeping pace with rent.
Eligibility, taper rates and regional benchmarks matter. A payment that rises too slowly loses value; one that is withdrawn abruptly can create a high effective marginal cost when a recipient earns more. Indexing the support to rental trends would require a transparent measure and regular review, rather than a one-off increase.
4. Expand social and public housing
More public and community housing would give eligible households a tenure not priced entirely by the private market. Pojani proposes a mix of incomes rather than concentrating only the very poorest residents, and raises the possibility of rent-to-own arrangements. Mixed-income projects can support a broader resident base, while rent-to-own would need clear rules for maintenance, resale, debt and what happens if a household’s circumstances change.
New dwellings are only part of the requirement. Long-term funding for repairs, management and support services determines whether a program remains habitable and financially sustainable. Allocation rules also need to distinguish ordinary affordable housing from homes reserved for people with urgent or complex needs.
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Universities enrolling students could be required to provide affordable on-campus places. The policy targets a specific pressure point: students competing for the same limited rental stock as other households. On-campus supply can also reduce transport costs and make access to study less dependent on a family’s ability to pay market rent.
“Affordable” would need a defined relationship to student income or a published fee benchmark. Universities would have to plan land, financing, operating costs and eligibility, while governments would need to decide whether requirements apply to existing campuses, new enrolments or major expansions. The proposal is about accommodation policy, not a recommendation to purchase a particular housing product.
Five measures for supply, ownership and crisis housing
6. Build more market-rate homes near transport
Pojani calls for more apartments and townhouses, particularly around public transport, supported by height bonuses or tax incentives. Concentrating additional homes where rail, buses and services already exist can use infrastructure more efficiently and give households alternatives to detached housing. Height bonuses can make extra floors financially attractive; tax incentives can reduce the cost of projects that meet a density target.
Planning approval is not the same as a completed dwelling. Councils and states would still need development assessment, infrastructure capacity, design controls and construction labour. A supply program should track approvals, commencements and completed, occupied homes separately. If incentives raise land values without producing additional dwellings, the public benefit is smaller than the headline increase in permitted floor space.
7. Allow more auxiliary dwellings
Relaxing selected lot-size and parking requirements would make it easier to add a secondary home, often called a granny flat, behind or beside an existing dwelling. Such units can house relatives, students or renters and can add incremental supply without assembling a large site.
Rules still need to protect access, drainage, fire safety, privacy and neighbourhood services. A statewide change may not work identically in a flood-prone suburb, a heritage area and a regional town. Councils also need a straightforward approval path so that compliance costs do not consume the benefit of the reform.
8. Require inclusionary affordable units in large projects
Inclusionary requirements reserve a share of homes in a large development for qualifying lower-income households at below-market prices or rents. The approach places some responsibility for affordability inside the ordinary development pipeline rather than relying only on separate public projects.
The percentage, income test, duration of the discount and ownership of the units must be specified. Governments can offset some cost through additional floor area, faster approvals or other concessions, but the trade-off should be transparent. A requirement that is too weak will deliver few homes; one that makes projects unviable can reduce total construction.
9. Fund free transitional housing with support
Pojani proposes free transitional accommodation linked to services for people experiencing homelessness, domestic violence and other crises. The distinguishing feature is the combination of a safe place to stay with practical support, such as case management and help securing permanent housing. It is not the same as a general rent subsidy or a conventional affordable-housing lease.
Capacity must include accessible and culturally safe options, confidential locations where needed, and pathways after the transitional period. Providers also require stable operating funding, not only capital to build rooms. A target based solely on beds can miss whether residents move into secure long-term housing.
10. Pair first-home help with tax changes
The final proposal combines deposit and loan assistance for first-home buyers with heavier taxation of certain investment or inherited properties and abolition of negative gearing. Buyer assistance can help a household overcome an upfront deposit barrier; tax changes are intended to alter incentives and raise revenue or fairness, depending on their design.
The combination matters because assistance on its own can be capitalised into higher prices when supply is constrained. Conversely, tax changes without additional homes or carefully phased finance can affect existing owners and investors before first-home buyers can find alternatives. Any reform would need transition rules, a definition of affected properties, treatment of existing loans and assessment of impacts across metropolitan and regional markets.
What changed after the 2023 proposals?
On 28 May 2026, the Australian government released Homes for Australia: A National Plan, which Treasury describes as a $47 billion plan. Its six priorities are building more homes; supporting first-home buyers; making renting fairer and more affordable; growing social and affordable housing; closing the housing gap in partnership with First Nations Australians; and strengthening support for people experiencing homelessness, crisis, and family and domestic violence.
Those priorities overlap with Pojani’s themes, but overlap is not adoption. The plan’s publication does not establish that all ten recommendations have become law, that every state uses the same tenancy settings, or that every promised home has been completed.
Rental rules remain jurisdiction-specific
The May 2026 announcement said most states had banned no-grounds evictions, limited rent increases to once per year and set minimum rental standards. The federal government described its Better Deal for Renters as ongoing work with states and territories. “Most” is not “all”, and a limit on frequency is not the same as a national inflation-linked cap. Renters must check the law in the state or territory where the property is located, including the permitted grounds, notice and exemptions.
Negative gearing change announced for 1 July 2027
The government announced that, from 1 July 2027, negative gearing for residential property would be limited to new builds. Investments made before 7:30 pm AEST on 12 May 2026 were to remain unchanged. This is an announced future change, not a rule already in force at the date of the policy information, and its practical effect depends on legislation and implementation details.
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Treasury’s social and affordable housing page reported the following figures as correct on 30 April 2026. The categories are deliberately separate, and Treasury notes that the data can change as new information becomes available.
Best Value
| Category | Homes | As-of date and attribution |
|---|---|---|
| Delivered since May 2022 | 5,531 | Australian Treasury, figures reported 30 April 2026 |
| In planning and construction | 22,015 | Australian Treasury, figures reported 30 April 2026 |
| Estimated for future delivery | 23,601 | Australian Treasury, figures reported 30 April 2026 |
These numbers should not be added together as though they were all completed homes. “Delivered” records a different stage from homes in planning or construction, and an estimate of future delivery is not a commitment that has already produced a dwelling.
Why a package is harder than a list
Each measure operates on a different time scale. A rent rule can change a household’s bill at the next review. A new apartment, auxiliary dwelling or social-housing project may take years through land assembly, approval, finance and construction. Transitional housing requires services from the first night, while tax reform can change behaviour before replacement supply appears.
Responsibilities are also split. The Commonwealth controls or funds major assistance and tax settings; states and territories make many tenancy and planning rules; councils control local approvals and infrastructure coordination; universities manage campus accommodation; and private, community and public providers build and operate homes. A national target without delivery responsibilities, funding and public reporting can therefore look ambitious while leaving practical gaps.
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A credible implementation framework would publish, for each measure:
- the level of government or organisation responsible;
- the legal start date and transition treatment;
- the households eligible and the locations covered;
- funding for construction, maintenance and support services;
- separate measures for approvals, starts, completions, occupancy and tenant outcomes; and
- a review process that can correct unintended effects without removing basic security.
Readers comparing approaches should distinguish immediate renter relief from long-term supply effects, federal commitments from state and local execution, universal benefits from means-tested assistance, public or non-profit provision from private-market incentives, and announced commitments from homes or protections already delivered.
How to read the 10 proposals responsibly
- They are recommendations, not a scorecard. Pojani’s article does not provide an independent cost, legal review or outcome evaluation for each measure.
- Dates matter. The recommendations date from May 2023; the national plan and rental announcements date from May 2026; the Treasury delivery counts are as of 30 April 2026.
- Rules vary by place. Tenancy law, planning controls and the availability of crisis services are not automatically identical across Australia.
- Count homes by stage. Delivered, in-progress and estimated future homes answer different questions.
- Test distributional effects. A policy can help one group while shifting costs or reducing options for another, so eligibility, transition and enforcement details belong in the assessment.
What success would look like
A complete package would be judged by more than a single construction total. Renters would need predictable increases, protection from retaliatory displacement and assistance that keeps pace with local costs. People in public, community or transitional housing would need safe, well-maintained homes and support that continues beyond the initial placement. Students would need genuinely affordable places near their campuses. New supply would need to be located where transport and services can support it, and first-home assistance would need to improve access without simply bidding up scarce dwellings.
That is why the ten ideas are best understood as a connected policy agenda. They identify different failure points in Australia’s housing system, while the 2026 national plan shows that governments are pursuing some related priorities. Whether the combination delivers affordability and security depends on the legislation, funding, local implementation and homes that actually reach residents.
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