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Cold, damp, poorly maintained rental housing is not just uncomfortable: it can affect physical health and mental wellbeing, while leaving tenants with ongoing costs for repairs, maintenance, heating and cooling. Low-income renters may be least able to secure a repair or upgrade because they have little choice of affordable alternatives and may fear that asserting their rights will put an insecure tenancy at risk. The solutions discussed by housing researchers are therefore structural: stronger rental standards and tenure protections, regulator-led enforcement, energy-efficiency improvements, investment in social housing and transparent reporting on housing conditions.
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Why do some low-income renters end up in poor-quality housing?
Poor rental conditions are not explained by one cause. The 2019 analysis by Edgar Liu, Chris Martin and Hazel Easthope describes a combination of building quality, landlord incentives, tenant insecurity and public-housing policy. Those factors can reinforce one another: a home may need repairs, a tenant may feel unable to press for them, and the owner may have little reason to fund improvements whose benefits are felt mainly by the tenant.
The researchers’ article was republished by the Tenants’ Union of NSW and syndicated by Domain. Its findings and recommendations should be read in that historical context.
Homes can enter the rental market without a formal condition check
A dwelling may move into the rental market after years of owner-occupation without undergoing a formal check of its condition. If existing defects or poor maintenance are not identified and addressed, renters may end up living with problems that were already present when the property was offered for rent.
Cold and damp conditions can be related to building quality and maintenance; mould may follow poor design or inadequate upkeep. Treating a visible symptom as though it were simply a cosmetic problem can miss the underlying defect. Painting over a stained or mould-affected surface, for example, would not by itself resolve a moisture problem or the conditions that caused it.
This is why the article frames housing quality as more than a question of how a room appears on a particular day. A property can look presentable while still having unresolved maintenance needs or being difficult to keep comfortable in different seasons. Without a formal check, problems can remain unaddressed as the home changes from owner-occupation to rental use. The source does not set out an inspection checklist; its policy point is that condition should not depend only on what a new tenant can spot and persuade an owner to fix.
Tenants may find it risky to insist on repairs
A tenant’s ability to request a repair is not the same as having the practical freedom to insist on one. Where affordable rental alternatives are scarce, and the tenancy feels insecure, a renter may worry that asserting their rights could jeopardise their housing. That makes a system reliant on each tenant to identify a problem, challenge a landlord and pursue enforcement particularly difficult for people with limited resources.
This does not mean renters have no rights. It means that rights can be hard to exercise when losing a home or being unable to find another affordable one is a real concern. The researchers argue that more responsibility should sit with regulators rather than depending so heavily on individual tenants to act.
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The distinction is important: a policy can formally give tenants a route to request a repair and still leave them carrying most of the practical burden. They have to recognise the problem, raise it, and potentially keep pursuing it, despite the risk they associate with challenging a landlord. More regulator-led enforcement is intended to reduce dependence on that individual decision. It does not make a tenant’s experience irrelevant; rather, it means housing quality need not rely entirely on the least secure person in the relationship being willing to push for action.
Landlords may not capture the benefits of energy upgrades
Insulation is one example of an energy-efficiency improvement that can make a home easier to keep comfortable. But the owner may pay for the upgrade while tenants receive much of its day-to-day benefit through improved comfort or reduced energy use. The authors describe this as a split incentive: the person deciding whether to invest and the people who benefit may not be the same.
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Without a requirement or another effective incentive, an owner may not choose to fund an improvement that benefits the tenant more directly. The researchers therefore recommend mandatory energy-efficiency improvements as part of a broader approach to rental standards. Their article does not recommend a particular insulation product or a do-it-yourself installation.
The split incentive also helps explain why asking individual renters to arrange an upgrade is not an equivalent solution. A tenant may not own the property, may have limited control over building work and may not remain in the home long enough to benefit from a lasting improvement. The article’s proposed response is to address the investment decision through policy, rather than to assume that a renter can overcome the owner’s lack of incentive. Insulation is a relevant example, not a complete answer to every problem in a cold or damp home.
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The article also points to reduced investment in public housing. Disinvestment can constrain the supply of social housing while leaving maintenance backlogs in existing homes. That matters beyond the condition of any one property: a shortage of social and affordable housing can leave low-income renters with fewer alternatives when their current home is unsuitable or a landlord will not address a problem.
Supply and upkeep are related but distinct concerns. More social housing can expand the options available to people who need an affordable home, while maintenance investment addresses the condition of homes already in use. A policy that focuses only on one side may leave the other unresolved: an increase in supply does not automatically clear existing maintenance backlogs, and attention to current repairs does not by itself remove a shortage of affordable alternatives.
Which renters were most likely to face unmet repairs and seasonal discomfort?
In the Australian Housing Conditions Dataset description used by the authors, renters in the bottom fifth of gross household income—described in the 2019 article as about A$20,000 a year—were most likely to have unmet repairs and reported more difficulty staying comfortable in winter and summer.
That A$20,000 figure is a historical description of the dataset’s lowest income group, not a current eligibility threshold, poverty line or general measure of low income. The article’s accessible text does not provide a percentage for the group, so no prevalence rate should be inferred from it. Its important point is the pattern the authors report: people with the least income were especially likely to face repair needs and difficulty maintaining comfort across seasons.
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1Scan for outdated or missing drivers - takes under a minute2Clear out junk files and repair common Windows errors3Fix the driver behind crashes, sound loss and screen glitchesThe seasonal detail matters because the issue is not limited to a single cold spell. The authors describe difficulty staying comfortable in both winter and summer, pointing to a broader challenge of maintaining indoor comfort throughout the year. The article links that challenge with housing conditions and energy costs; it does not provide a breakdown of particular building features or quantify the cost to households. The finding should therefore be read as evidence of unequal exposure to unmet repairs and discomfort, not as a precise estimate of how many renters experience either problem.
What are the solutions to poor-quality rental housing?
The policy package proposed in the 2019 article combines enforceable housing rules with better security, energy upgrades, public investment and information. No single measure addresses every problem: a minimum habitability rule, for example, does not automatically correct the split incentive around insulation, while transparent reporting cannot substitute for the money needed to fix a maintenance backlog.
The measures work at different levels. Standards set an expectation for the home; enforcement determines whether that expectation has consequences; tenure protections affect whether renters can safely seek a remedy; efficiency requirements address investments owners may otherwise defer; and social-housing funding and reporting address wider supply and maintenance questions. Looking at the package this way avoids treating a single reform as a cure for every source of poor conditions.
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Set and enforce minimum rental standards
Minimum standards establish a baseline for the condition of rental homes. The article recommends stronger standards so that basic housing quality is not left solely to negotiation between an individual renter and landlord. To be effective, standards also need a credible way to identify non-compliance and require it to be addressed.
The authors favour more regulator-led enforcement, shifting some of the burden away from tenants. That approach matters where a renter may be reluctant to complain because their tenancy is insecure or affordable alternatives are hard to find. Standards without enforcement may leave the most vulnerable tenants in much the same position as before.
Standards and enforcement answer separate questions. A rule can define what is expected, but it cannot ensure compliance on its own. Conversely, enforcement needs a standard against which a condition can be assessed. The authors’ approach links the two: a baseline for rental housing, paired with a larger role for regulators so that the tenant is not always the only person expected to initiate action. The 2019 article does not provide a current list of technical requirements, so this is a policy principle rather than a checklist for judging a specific home today.
Improve tenure security so tenants can exercise their rights
Security of tenure is part of housing quality because it affects whether a tenant feels able to ask for repairs. The authors call for stronger tenancy protections, including greater security, so that renters are not forced to weigh a necessary repair request against the fear of losing their home.
Tenure protections and enforcement work together: a tenant who feels safer raising a problem is better placed to seek a remedy, while regulator action can reduce the need for every renter to take that risk personally.
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In this framing, security is not merely an administrative feature of a rental agreement. It affects whether formal rights can be used in practice. A repair process that assumes every tenant can complain without concern may work differently for someone with few affordable alternatives. Stronger protections and regulator involvement address different parts of that problem, which is why the article treats them as complementary rather than interchangeable reforms.
Require energy-efficiency improvements
The article proposes mandatory efficiency improvements to address the split incentive between property owners and tenants. Insulation is the example it names. A requirement can make an upgrade part of the expected condition of a rental home rather than relying on an owner to volunteer an investment whose benefits may largely accrue to the renter.
Efficiency measures should be understood as part of decent housing, not as a replacement for repairing defects or maintaining a building. Improving thermal performance does not, by itself, resolve every cause of damp, mould or disrepair.
This is also why a general habitability standard and an efficiency requirement should not be collapsed into one idea. The first sets a baseline for the home’s condition; the second targets improvements whose benefits may otherwise fall mainly to tenants while the owner decides whether to invest. Insulation is the source’s example, but no particular product, material, installation method or cost is specified. Any physical upgrade also needs to be considered alongside responsibility for repairs and the building’s underlying condition.
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Invest in social housing and existing maintenance
The researchers call for increased investment in social housing. This responds both to the effect of disinvestment on the available supply and to maintenance needs in existing homes. Building or preserving supply without addressing the condition of homes would be incomplete; reporting a backlog without funding to resolve it would be incomplete too.
For renters, the supply issue connects to choice. When affordable alternatives are scarce, a tenant whose home is unsuitable may have little practical leverage to leave or to press for change. Investment in social housing is therefore presented not just as a matter of the number of homes, but as part of a wider response to the constraints low-income renters face. At the same time, the article does not suggest that social housing alone will resolve conditions in the private rental market; the standards, security and enforcement proposals address that broader setting.
Publish comparable information about conditions and maintenance
The article recommends more transparent reporting on property condition, maintenance and tenant satisfaction. Public information can make it easier to see where problems are concentrated and whether they are being addressed. But transparency is not a repair program: the authors stress that adequate funding is needed to deal with long-term underinvestment.
Reporting is most useful as part of an accountability and investment approach, not as a substitute for either. Information about conditions can make maintenance needs more visible, while reporting on maintenance can help show whether identified problems are being addressed. Tenant satisfaction adds another perspective on lived experience. The article does not prescribe a reporting template or a particular publication schedule; its emphasis is on transparency, coupled with sufficient resources to respond to the needs it reveals.
How do these approaches fit together?
They address different points in the chain from a poor-quality dwelling to a renter living with unresolved problems. A useful way to assess a policy proposal is to ask five questions:
- Who has to act? Does the system place nearly all the burden on an individual tenant, or can a regulator identify and enforce problems?
- What does the rule cover? Does it address basic habitability, energy efficiency, or both?
- Can tenants safely exercise their rights? Are protections strong enough to reduce the fear that asking for repairs will threaten the tenancy?
- Who pays, and who benefits? Does the policy address the split incentive when owners pay for an upgrade but tenants receive much of its benefit?
- Is there money to act on what is reported? Are condition and maintenance disclosures connected to adequate funding for repairs and investment?
These questions show why the authors’ proposals are complementary. Better standards define expectations; enforcement makes them meaningful; tenure security helps tenants raise problems; efficiency requirements address upgrades that owners may otherwise defer; and investment and reporting help address broader supply and maintenance challenges.
They also offer a way to distinguish between policy proposals that sound similar but do different jobs. A tenant-led complaint route may provide a path to remedy, but it continues to rely on the renter taking action. Regulator-led enforcement shifts more responsibility to public institutions. A habitability rule and an efficiency requirement address different aspects of housing quality. A disclosure can make conditions visible, but without funding it cannot clear a backlog. The article’s central logic is that decent housing requires attention to all of these links rather than placing the full burden on a renter or relying on one measure alone.
What should renters know about current rules?
The 2019 article is not a current legal summary. It refers to historical policy developments, including state governments amending rental minimum standards and building regulation in New South Wales. Those references do not establish what requirements apply today in any particular state or territory.
Rental requirements and complaint processes depend on jurisdiction and may have changed. A renter seeking to understand current rights should check the official tenancy regulator or tenants’ advice service for the state or territory where the property is located. The evidence covered here does not support listing present-day standards, deadlines or legal remedies, so those details should not be assumed from the 2019 discussion.
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This distinction matters before using a historical policy discussion to make a decision about a live tenancy. The article’s recommendations describe reforms the authors considered important; they are not a statement that a particular standard, enforcement process or remedy is available everywhere now. Checking the relevant local authority is the appropriate next step for current requirements, while the broader policy analysis remains useful for understanding why conditions and enforcement are recurring housing concerns.
Why this is a housing-quality issue, not just a comfort issue
A cold or mould-affected rental can impose costs beyond discomfort. The article links poor housing quality with physical health and mental wellbeing, as well as repeated expenses connected to repair and maintenance and the energy needed for heating or cooling. These burdens can be especially hard on households with little financial room to absorb them.
For a painting-focused reader, the distinction is practical: a surface finish is not a substitute for resolving the source of damp or repairing a building defect. The policy case made by the authors is that decent housing depends on the quality and upkeep of the home, the tenant’s ability to secure a remedy, and institutions that can enforce standards and fund improvements—not merely on how a room looks.
The article also refers to energy poverty through an unnamed workshop participant’s observation, underscoring that energy costs and housing conditions can intersect. That is not a quotation from a named expert or a quantified finding in the article. It reinforces the broader point without changing the source’s focus: energy efficiency is one element of decent housing, but it sits alongside repairs, enforceable standards, secure tenancies and investment.
Frequently Asked Questions
Is the A$20,000 figure a current low-income cutoff for Australian renters?
No. It describes the bottom fifth of households in the dataset discussion reported in the 2019 article. It is not a current income threshold or a test of eligibility for assistance.
Does painting over mould solve the housing problem?
Not necessarily. The article links mould with poor design and maintenance, so a surface treatment alone may leave the underlying moisture or building issue unresolved. The source does not give a mould-removal or painting procedure.
Did the 2019 article establish current minimum rental standards in every Australian state?
No. It discussed policy developments at the time, including state-level changes, but it is not a present-day jurisdiction-by-jurisdiction legal guide. Current requirements need to be checked with the relevant state or territory authority.
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The owner may pay for the upgrade, while the tenant receives much of its practical benefit in comfort or energy use. The authors argue that mandatory improvements can address the resulting reluctance to invest.
Why might a renter not insist on a repair even if they have rights?
The article says that insecure tenure and a lack of affordable alternatives can make asserting rights feel risky. Its policy response is to strengthen tenure protections and shift more enforcement responsibility to regulators.
The Bottom Line
Cold, damp rentals are not just a matter of comfort or appearance. The 2019 analysis connects poor conditions to building upkeep, insecure tenancies, split incentives and public-housing underinvestment. Its proposed response combines minimum standards and regulator-led enforcement with stronger tenure security, energy-efficiency improvements, social-housing investment and transparent reporting backed by funding. The A$20,000 income-group figure is historical, and current rental rules must be checked with the relevant state or territory authority.
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